Thursday, March 11, 2010

Fidel Castro's "History Will Absolve Me."

March 19, 2010 at 2:38 P.M. In a display of disdain for America's Constitution and criminal laws, the following advertisement was attached, illegally, to this blog:

"Cigar Afficionado Magazine, Direct From the Publisher. Free Trial Issue. No Risk Offer. "

This disdain for the First Amendment insults not Fidel Catsro, but America's men and women serving in the military to protect our Constitutional rights.

March 11, 2010 at 10:10 P.M. Several "errors" in spacing, deletion of letters, and other vandalism of this essay posted earlier today has already taken place. An advertisement -- which is probably a physical threat against me -- has been attached to this blog without my consent:

"Defend Yourself 24/7 Discover What the Martial Artists and the Army Don't Want You to Know. "

Fidel Castro, "History Will Absolve Me," in Revolutionary Struggle: Selected Works of Fidel Castro (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1972), pp. 164-221 (dated October 16, 1953). What happened to the young man who wrote this brilliant statement? Did the U.S. have something to do with his subsequent choices?
"Revolution Books," 146 W. 26th Street, New York, N.Y. (212) 691-3345
Dhoruba Bin Wahad, Mumia Abu-Jamal, Assata Shakur, Still Black, Still Strong: Survivors of the U.S. War Against Black Revolutionaries (New York& Paris: Columbia University-Semiotexte, 1993). (Jim Fletcher, Tanaquil Jones, Sylvere Lafringer, eds.)


December 8, 2008, from about 9:00 A.M. until 12:00 P.M. I have been besieged by an assault on my computer, obstructions of my communicative efforts, harassments, defacements and vandalism of my on-line writings that are protected by U.S. copyright laws and the American Constitution. This is one of many mornings when I have experienced deliberate, well-organized, censorship and harassment efforts making use of government resources, I believe, and with the consent of at least some (if not all) legal officials or judges in New Jersey. Curiously, I am unfairly denied publishing opportunities. ("Censorship and Cruelty in New Jersey" and "How Censorship Works in America.")

What else is new? The same judges who have sworn to uphold the Constitution and all laws of the land, are willing to ignore flagrant criminality at the behest of Cuban-American Right-wing groups or mafia members in New Jersey or Florida, or both, probably for a small fee. I do not believe and cannot accept that such implementation of techniques of psychological torture -- applied to a person who has experienced much worse -- over a period of many years is an "accident." I do not believe that this assault is unrelated to my substantive opinions nor would it be possible without enabling "state action." Furthermore, it is only the latest in a number of legal and economic invasions and attacks on every aspect of my life, including censorship of my writings. ("Terry Tuchin, Diana Lisa Riccioli, and New Jersey's Agency of Torture" and "What is it like to be tortured?")

The U.S. government speaks of "political prisoners" in Cuba and their need for freedom. I call for the freeing of all political prisoners or "prisoners of conscience" wherever they may be held. I also wish to point out that persons held in Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib may be described as political prisoners. Mumia Abu-Jamal is a political prisoner. I am a political prisoner. The political prison built just for me is a kind of "monitoring." No one will admit to hacking into my computer, slandering me to friends and relatives, obstructing opportunities for publication, suppressing and censoring speech, theft, or daily organized cyberwarfare and long-term professional as well as other harms directed against me. However, these efforts and resulting harms are visible even to the most casual observer of my experiences in writing my blogs and could only be the result of government action or protection for criminals. ("Freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal" and "Time to End the Embargo Against Cuba.")

Reports in the media indicate that all political prisoners in Cuba have been released. Does the United States continue to hold detainees without trial, or to hold persons who are regarded as political prisoners by international organizations, such as Mumia Abu-Jamal? If so, then should we not be concerned to get our own house in order before criticizing the policies of other nations? I think so. ("Freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal" and "Mumia Abu-Jamal and the Unconstitutionality of the Death Penalty.")

In light of the violations of freedom of speech detailed in my blogs over a period of years, U.S. calls on other nations to respect dissidents' rights must be seen as absurd and hypocritical. Michael Wines, "China Issues a Sharp Rebuke to U.S. Calls for an Investigation on Google Attacks," in The New York Times, January 26, 2010, at p. A6. ("China Rebukes U.S. for Cybercrime and Cyberhegemony.")

My response will be to focus on the writings of Fidel Castro, together with some criticisms of mafia activities in the most corrupt towns and cities of the Garden State, like North Bergen and Union City. I do this because the people harassing me disapprove of Castro's opinions and are, seemingly, under the impression that they can intimidate me to prevent me from speaking of these matters. I say this as a person who is also critical of the Cuban revolution, while recognizing the progress that has been made in Cuba during recent years. ("Today's Cuban Revolutionaries Are on the Internet.")

The mafia partnership with Cuban-American Fascist groups is, sadly, nothing new. I am disheartened and dismayed at having to write these words or at experiencing these tortures, again, because this evil is mostly the result of actions by persons from my own ethnic group, together with paid-off officials from all ethnic and racial groups in New Jersey. It is sad for me, personally, but much sadder for America that such censorship efforts are permitted to take place. After revising this essay countless times, I find a word deleted from the text today that was not deleted from earlier versions of this work. Other essays have been vandalized overnight with the use of government power. Perhaps this explains the take-over of my computer yesterday or my inability to access my e-mails. It is impossible for me to prevent these attacks on my work or continuing psychological warfare aimed against me. I will do my best to make all necessary corrections. ("What is it like to be tortured?" and "The Long Goodbye" as well as "What is it like to be plagiarized?")

I must warn the reader that, although I have been running scans of my system steadily for several days, I am unable to update my security system as of my first draft of this essay. Efforts to back up files are also obstructed on a regular basis. This is usually the prelude to more attacks, vandalism, obstruction efforts and other criminality aimed at suppressing free speech. At this point, it is difficult to accept that the authorities are "unaware" of these crimes committed on a daily basis for years against this computer and me. Anyone looking for a party line from me will be disappointed. My opinions and values are not subject to control by "bosses." (Again: "Time to End the Embargo Against Cuba.")

My political commitment is to the document being trashed by my torturers -- the U.S. Constitution. I disagree with many of Fidel Castro's opinions and agree with some others. I have no doubt (based on what I am told) that dissidents in Cuba experience the same harassment (or worse) that I experience. My tortures date from 1988 to 2009-2010. Perhaps the harassment will continue indefinitely. I will certainly persist in my struggles.

I would like to know the opinions of Cuban dissidents witnessing these tortures. How many of them have been raped and silenced in Cuba? After the recent release of politicial prisoners, it may be that Cuba has fewer crticisms of human rights violations from international organizations than does the U.S. and many other countries. ("America's Unethical Medical Torturers" and "Do we still believe in human rights?")

It may be that people's lives are destroyed in Cuba after manufactured accusations of "unethical" conduct produced by behaviorist techniques are "established" in farcical legal proceedings. These things certainly happen in the U.S. They have happened to me. I am a victim of such methods. My opinions, however, have not altered. My efforts to express them have not changed. I am an American. I believe in civil liberties, including freedom of expression and privacy as well as the autonomy of moral conscience. I cannot be sure that -- whatever the laws provide -- this essay and others will not be defaced or destroyed, along with so many works that I have written. I can only promise that I will struggle to think and speak FREELY, every day, regardless of whether others approve of what I say. ("Is Senator Menendez a Suspect in Mafia-Political Murder in New Jersey?" and "Does Senator Menendez Have Mafia Friends?")

This was the belief for which my father died -- that every person has an unfettered right to freedom of conscience and expression. I am willing to do the same, that is, to die for my beliefs -- if it comes to that. For the so-called "ethics" of my adversaries, see: "New Jersey Superior Court Judge is a Child Molester," "Does Senator Menendez Have Mafia Friends?," "Law and Ethics in the Soprano State," "New Jersey's Feces-Covered Supreme Court" and "Deborah T. Poritz and Conduct Unbecoming to the Judiciary in New Jersey" and finally, "New Jersey's 'Ethical' Legal System." For an idea of the terrorists found in the Fascist wing of the Cuban-American community, see "American Hypocrisy and Luis Posada Carriles" as well as "Babalu and Free Speech Too!"

More than 200 other articles filled with statistics and anecdotal evidence should suffice to establish my critique concerning the "ethics" of New Jersey officials who judge me. My inspiration comes from Third World figures and African-Americans -- as well as other Americans -- who understand, without any need for explanations, all about slavery and the on-going struggle for the freedom of tortured people everywhere. My hopes are associated with persons like Nelson Mandela and Barack Obama, Angela Davis and Jose Marti, Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr., also Cesar Chavez. I highly recommend, John Miller & AAron Kennedy, eds., Revolution: Faces of Change (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 2000). ("Cubanazos" are mortified at the inclusion of Che Guevara's photo on the cover of this book, along with the Dalai Lama, Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi.)

To some Cuban-Americans these opinions make me a "Communist." I am best described as a "democratic socialist." I will be exactly that until the day I die. "Democratic" is just as important as "socialist." The rule of law and democratic processes come before outcomes. If my candidate loses the election (Bush won in 2004), then the winner is the elected official and gets the benefit of the doubt from me. Criticism is O.K.; bombs in post offices -- or civilian airplanes filled with passengers, including children -- are not O.K. Disagreement is fine; censorship isn't. This applies as much to Miami's Right-wing Castro opponents as it does to anybody else. Hacking into my computer to deface these texts falls into the category of what you should not do even if paid-off politicians in New Jersey allow you to get away with such crimes. Fascism is always hateful to me, even when fascists happen to be bronzed by the sun and wear expensive suits. Mr. Rubio?

The "War Against Terror" includes terrorism from all quarters and points on the political map. I am not suprised that Fascists feel a desire to destroy poetry and other literature. Art, ideas, science are things feared by Fascists because they cannot be controlled or made to serve the interests of any ideology. (Again: "Babalu and Free Speech Too!" and "American Hypocrisy and Luis Posada Carriles," then "Miami's Cubanoids Protest AGAINST Peace!" and "The Heidegger Controversy.")

Rather than concentrating on censorship, let us consider one of Fidel Castro's most recent public predictions. Before retiring into seclusion to recover from an illness, Castro predicted a new crisis for capitalism and the rise of China as the dominant global economic power within fifty years. Whatever you think of Castro (or me), especially if you are an American who wishes to see the U.S. remain the dominant economic force in the world (that's my view), then the following issues should concern you:

"Employers axed 533,000 jobs last month, the worst monthly job loss in the last year to 1.9 million. Worse, two thirds of the losses were in the past three months, a sign of an intensifying down-turn and of more job cuts ahead."

These statistics must not be forgotten:

"The unemployment rate for November -- which rose to 6.7 percent, or 10.3 million people -- also understates the weakness in the job market."

"The Employment Crash," (Editorial) The New York Times, December 8, 2008, p. 8. Among the consequences of decline in employment and collapse of major industries, flight of technology and science experts out of the country and towards Asia, are alarming facts concerning the decline in American education: Sam Dillon, "Many Nations Passing U.S., In Education, Experts Says," in The New York Times, March 10, 2010, at p. A21. (Economic indicators are more alarming today than when these articles appeared.) Unemployment hovers at 9.8% in July-August, 2010; in real terms, the jobless rate is probably over 10%. Unemployment is still at close to 10% and decline is registered in all vital areas of the economy in November, 2010. March, 2011 has seen yet another month in which the creation of new jobs falls short of the 300,000 per month needed to bring us near to pre-recession levels or full employment.

In September, 2009 the following job losses were reported for the previous two months: 250,000 for July; 200,000 in August. Whether the smaller number reflects a slight recovery is unclear. Many of these jobs will not return. We are 17th in "real" educational level among college students in First World nations as of 2010. ("Is Western Philosophy Racist?") 283,000 jobs were lost in September, 2009. ("Nihilists in Disneyworld.") As of December 9, 2009 unemployment is holding steadily at 17% in real terms. In March, 2010 unemployment is still holding steadily at double digits, despite the effects of the stimulus. In May, 2010 official unemployment is at 10% or higher in the Northeastern part of the country. Things may be worse elsewhere. We are heading for a "double dip" recession. March, 2011 has seen the chronically unemployed desperate to survive clinging to multiple and usually temporary "McJobs."

I ask you to compare these two items from America's self-proclaimed leading newspaper: Anthony Shadid & John Leland, "Coordinated Attack in Baghdad Strikes Hotels Catering to Foreigners," in The New York Times, January 26, 2010, at p. A9 (attacks aimed at global opinion obviously resulting from foreign intelligence assistance to insurgents) with Walter Gibbs, "Oil Company Near Settling Over Contract In Kurdistan," in The New York Times, January 26, 2010, at p. A9. $144 MILLION at issue in these negotiations may "justify" the deaths of American service people to some "business leaders." The worst month in terms of American deaths since the outbreak of the war in Afghanistan was July, 2010. James Risen, "Afghans Linked to the Taliban Guard U.S. Bases -- Endangering Soldiers," in The New York Times, October 8, 2010, at p. A1. (New bombings in Pakistan coinciding with hostilities between Pakistani military-intelligence agents against U.S. forces.)

As of my review of this essay on June 10, 2009, Chrysler is heading into bankruptcy. GM has done away with Pontiac, losing an additional 20,000 jobs. Several hundred thousand jobs have been lost nationwide since December of 2008 when I first posted this essay. More financial industry woes appeared in May, 2009. In one week (April, 2009), in New Jersey, an international child porn and prostitution ring -- one of several in New Jersey -- was broken-up by Bergen County prosecutors, not A.G. Anne Milgram, while former N.J. Senator Joe Coniglio was convicted on corruption charges. Additional mafia and political corruption investigations are emerging throughout the state of New Jersey, again. Nothing changes. A corruption scandal exploded in July, then another in September of 2009 -- both were in New Jersey. More arrests are expected in March, 2010. Ian Urbina, "Recession Drives Surge in Youth Runaways," in The New York Times, October 26, 2009, at p. A1. (Children 12 and 14 years-old are being driven into the streets by poverty and domestic violence directly related to our economic troubles.)

Is this poverty and suffering "ethical"? All of the arrests of officials in New Jersey, in my opinion, amount to 10% or less of the organized crime activity and corruption in the state's political-legal system. Censorship making use of N.J. government resources in violation of federal law is a daily spectacle to which Internet readers from all over the world are invited to bear witness. Do we lecture to the world about freedom of speech, human rights, or cyberfreedom while allowing this horror to continue? Have you no shame, Mr. Rabner? Mr. Christie? ("Stuart Rabner and Conduct Unbecoming to the Judiciary in New Jersey" and "No More Cover-Ups and Lies, Chief Justice Rabner!")

Letters were removed from several essays in this blog. No response has been received to my continuing requests for Tuchin's and Riccioli's reports. Members of the New Jersey Supreme Court confronted with these realities respond that they "do not speak English." David Halbfinger & David W. Chen, "Corruption Case a Blow to Corzine's Campaign," in The New York Times, July 25, 2009, at p. A21. On September 27, 2009 at 10:23 A.M. I have just corrected for the third time a letter in one word in the foregoing paragraph. For the theory behind these "induced frustration tactics," see my introduction to "Roberto Unger's Revolutionary Legal Theory." In November, 2010 new corruption investigations are on the verge of hitting the front pages of newspapers, after convictions (so far) in 27 of 44 arrests resulting from federal corruption investigations in New Jersey. Nothing has changed in Trenton's "business as usual."

Are you a silent and guilty bystander to censorship and psychological torture? If so, then each of these crimes is your crime. Summer has brought a political corruption scandal involving 44 arrests, as I say, including mayors and city council members in several towns in New Jersey, also new allegations of massive theft and corruption in connection with the $2 BILLION Xanadu project, continuing investigations into Cuban-American and mafia partnerships in the drug and child prostitution "businesses" thriving with the protection of paid-off politicians and/or judges from the Garden State. Cyberwarfare is my daily experience. Silence in response to my requests from a sold-out judiciary and legal profession makes it abundantly clear that the U.S. Constitution does "not apply" in New Jersey. Right, John? Ms. Dow and the OAE remain silent and ineffective. "The Cover-Up Continues," (Editorial) in The New York Times, October 26, 2009, at p. A22. (New arrests are once more said to be "forthcoming.")

Fears of certain thefts explain the actions of New Jersey's current governor: Patrick McGeehan, "Christie Stops Train Tunnel, Citing Its Cost," in The New York Times, October 8, 2010, at p. A1. (Perhaps Mr. Schundler will insert an "error" in these newspaper accounts.)

The streets of New York are filling with homeless men and women, sometimes women with children. People are willing to brave sub-freezing weather to stay out of dangerous shelters. AIDS victims on more than one occasion, in a physical state that can only be called inhuman, have approached me on the street to beg for money in order to eat something. Our collective indifference to such human suffering is unforgivable. I said "our" collective indifference. To respond with a chuckle and some crass observation to the effect that such people are "losers" or "stupid," so that they deserve what they get is despicable and heartless. For saying such things, I am described as a "homosexual Communist." I fail to see the logical connection between my opinions and this label. ("Is Paul Bergrin, Esq. an Ethical New Jersey Lawyer?" and "New Jersey's Legal System is a Whore House.")

After speaking to my financial advisers, I have learned that my net worth today is $6.00. If I am approached by a homeless person, I will share what I have with him or her, even if what I have is not much. You cannot make me feel guilty about poverty after stealing from me for years -- many persons in New Jersey have stolen from me -- before questioning my ethics of course. Attempts to induce guilt in me are unlikely to succeed. They should not succeed. Threats will not succeed. You will have to face me soon. Each day that the cover-up continues is a renewal of the tortures. ("Terry Tuchin, Diana Lisa Riccioli, and New Jersey's Agency of Torture" and "What is it like to be tortured?")

Anyone may find him- or herself in such a homeless condition. That destitute person will be worthy of our compassion and assistance. Eight years of Republican rule -- I am not happy or untroubled about saying this, since I wish that it were not true -- have brought the United States of America to the brink of economic and political catastrophe. One would have to be deluded not to see the enormity of the challenge that we face, as a nation, or the harm we have suffered as well as the growing losses to the interests of the so-called "free" world ("freedom to starve" is not enviable) as a result of the policies of the Bush administration. ("Hunger in America.")

Reprisals for the Republican torture policy are coming our way. We are detested in the world thanks to Cheney/Rumsfeld-approved torture policies. I hope that we are prepared for these reprisals: "If the dollar weren't the international reserve currency" -- this may not be true much longer -- "it is unimaginable that this [U.S.] trade deficit could have gone on for so many years. Now that the world has entered a recession, the U.S. is going to be running higher budgetary deficits. Those deficits will be increased also by the expansion of U.S. military spending, which has increased from $300 BILLION a year in 2000 to more than $800 BILLION a year now, if you include the supplemental costs for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. On top of this spending, the U.S. has introduced a hugely expensive bailout plan. [$700 BILLION is just the start.] That means it will in all probability be running deficits of three quarters of a TRILLION dollars, and possibly more, in the coming years. [According to some economists, $1.86 TRILLION in 2010.]
Joel Geier, "Capitalism's Worst Crisis Since the 1930s," in International Socialist Review, November-December, 2008, pp. 12-17.

This deficit has the effect of drying-up credit for poor countries, many of whose citizens will DIE of hunger and curable illnesses to finance our weapons systems and psychological tortures as well as greed. The response from many Right-wing persons is that "dying is the best thing they can do." I do not agree. Is this what you want from your government? Is this an example of America's legal ethics? This may be a good time to insert another "error" in this essay. Perhaps such censorship efforts may be accompanied by the accusation that the Communists are responsible for these tactics. ("Corrupt Law Firms, Senator Bob, and New Jersey Ethics" and "Is America's Legal Ethics a Lie?" then "Freedom is Slavery!")

I will examine what is already a classic essay in political philosophy, known everywhere in the Third World, also much admired in intellectual circles in Europe and Asia, although it is not very well known in the United States of America. I am a political refugee from the society where Castro's socialism triumphed. I am not an apologist for Castro's government. I am not an uncritical admirer of the Cuban Revolution nor am I suffering from any delusions concerning human rights criticisms that may be made against that society or against U.S. society, for that matter. We should criticize both societies for their human rights failures. For the views of an Internet critic living in Cuba, see and Roger Cohen, "The End of the Revolution," in The New York Times Magazine, December 7, 2008, at p. 46.

This essay is an attempt to examine and discuss ideas. Ideas cannot be beaten up, physically, nor can they be refuted by insulting their proponents or altering their writings. Threatening to "kill me" will not help with the philosophical discussion that I am suggesting should take place. In examining Mr. Castro's ideas, I will regard them as I would the ideas of any other philosopher. For my purpose in this essay, Castro is a philosopher and legal thinker -- like Spinoza, Kant or Marx -- who deserves to be studied and answered, respectfully, in terms of the logic and learning in his writings. I will do this answering from my American perspective. This is called "dialectics."

"History Will Absolve Me."

A. Critique of Legal Irregularities.

The lawyerly presentation of the "irregularities" in Castro's legal proceedings is overwhelmingly conclusive, as far as I am concerned, that Batista's court system was a joke and that within that joke, Castro was subjected to an especially fraudulent process. I know what he must have felt. What are the conditions and procedures of Cuban Revolutionary Justice Courts today? How do they compare with Batista's courts? I am sure that Havana and Miami are filled with persons who can provide information on this subject:

"Supposedly a defendant should speak with his lawyer in private. This right is upheld everywhere in the world, except when it deals with a Cuban prisoner of war in the hands of an implacable despotism which abides by neither legal nor humane rules." (p. 165.)

Imagine a person representing himself -- as Castro did -- who is questioned, in a drugged and hypnotized state, in the presence of an adversary as well as unidentified "others" seeking information to be used against him in legal proceedings, so that this interrogation can be denied publicly. No sophisticated legal system in the world regards such "questioning" (torture) as valid or finds the results of such legal process fair. The participation of medical doctors in such interrogation is an abomination. Even under such interrogation no allegations of criminal actions or damaging evidence could be manufactured against the victim, myself. Invasion of the attorney-client relationship by government officials sniffing for allegations to make against a designated victim is despicable and criminal. Such sniffing was aimed against me and my clients for years. Hence, Castro's comments concerning "shameful slanders which have been hurled at our fighters" or "the frightful and repugnant crimes which have been committed against the prisoners." (p. 167.) It is difficult to quarrell with Castro on these matters. ("American Doctors and Torture" and "Psychological Torture in the American Legal System," then "America's Unethical Medical Torturers.")

September 11, 2009 at 11:41 A.M. Fittingly enough, this essay was subjected to cyberterrorism by Miami's Cubanoids. I have corrected these inserted "errors." I wish to make it very clear to the OAE in New Jersey that I do not accept or agree with their actions or conclusions concerning me. Furthermore, I regard the OAE as acting in criminal violation of legal ethics as concerns me. Each day that the cover-up continues is a further defecation on the U.S. and N.J. Constitutions by that state agency in Trenton. ("Do we still believe in human rights?")

Cuban physicians under Batista refused to cooperate with the torture of prisoners. (Castro, "History Will Absolve Me," at p. 168.) American physicians and/or "therapists" at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib -- or New Jersey -- have become members of interrogation squads using their training in psychology or psychoanalysis to increase stress and suffering on victims, deliberately, in order to extract information from persons never formally charged with any criminal offense, until now. Persons have died after some of these "interrogations." Sadists -- like Terry Tuchin, "M.D." -- delight in inflicting pain on victims for a small fee. Compare "Psychological Torture in the American Legal System" with Mark Danner, "The Logic of Torture," Abu Ghraib: The Politics of Torture (California: North Atlantic Books, 2004), pp. 17-46, then Mark Danner, "The Red Cross Report on Torture and What it Means for the U.S.," The New York Review of Books, April 30, 2009, at p. 48. David Rose, Guantanamo: The War on Human Rights (New York & London: The Free Press, 2004), at pp. 92-96.

Terry Tuchin identified himself as a Jew and also as a physician. Were these claims lies? Does New Jersey speak to me of lies? Who was paying "Dr." Tuchin? For what services was Tuchin paid since 1988? Diana Lisa Riccioli claimed to be a physician and therapist. Was Diana lying about her credentials? Was Diana Lisa Riccioli a sexual partner of Deborah T. Poritz permitted to commit her crimes by New Jersey's then Chief Justice? Was there a sexual relationship between Diana Lisa Riccioli and Marilyn Straus who was placed under hypnosis? Was Ms. Straus made "available" to others in an impaired condition, as a rape victim, by Diana Lisa Riccioli? Ms. Poritz? Is this "ethical"? ("An Open Letter to My Torturers in New Jersey, Terry Tuchin and Diana Lisa Riccioli.")

December 9, 2009 at 3:23 P.M. "Errors" were inserted in the foregoing sentence. I have now corrected those "errors."

October 15, 2009 at 10:31 A.M. A new wave of "error-insertions" aimed, primarily, at this essay has resulted in vandalizing numerous writings at these blogs. I will do my best to struggle against this protected criminal censorship. American federal law criminalizes conspiracies to violate civil rights, including suppressions or alterations of copyright-protected writings and all denials of free speech. American officials, seemingly, are permitted to commit these crimes before the eyes of the world. Framing an "uncontrollable" critic for false charges may be the next move for New Jersey officials. Assault or assassination may be attempted against me. ("Is Senator Bob 'For' Human Rights?")

This essay has been altered and vandalized 5 times in the first day after it was posted. My short story "Master and Commander" was vandalized overnight. My review of "The Reader" was defaced and altered (for the third time) moments ago. This level of harassment is unsustainable without the cooperation of government officials and can only be regarded as an attempt to censor and harm a specific individual who has committed no crime. My opinions and intelligence -- such as they are -- are my crimes. My refusal to be "controlled" in my intellectual attitude or values is my sin. I am beginning to appreciate the situation of the Cuban people under the embargo. Sadly, another embargo of persons in Gaza is also producing great suffering and pain for all concerned, including Israelis. ("Freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal" and "America's Holocaust.")

This censorship and harassment, which includes obstructing all use of images by me, takes place as Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, calls on Cuba and others to be respectful of human rights as well as tolerant of dissent. These crimes are unpunished -- even when they are committed publicly! -- in the United States of America in 2009-2010 and beyond. Will the nations of the world believe that America's commitment to free speech is genuine? I doubt it. I do not believe this claim of commitment today. I wish that I could believe it. Perhaps my television signal will return at some point in the future. However, I will continue to believe in the promise of freedom found in America's Constitution. I wonder why pay-per-view is blocked by something called "Error 101"?

March 29, 2010 at 12:26 P.M. Spacing was affected, again. I have made the necessary corrections.

March 10, 2010 at 12:55 P.M. Dozens of essays have been defaced or vandalized once more. I will struggle over the next days and weeks to repair the harm done to my work.

A photograph on the front page of The New York Times, January 26, 2010, depicts a bleeding woman walking away from a blasted automobile in a devastated landscape comparable to Haiti, except that this is a human-created nightmare. Three bombs exploded within about 10 minutes in attacks coordinated to appear in Western media. 36 people died and more are wounded. Waves of similar attacks are expected in the weeks ahead. Robot bombs have killed uncounted civilians in Pakistan during the past several weeks. Taliban and Al Qaeda fighters have promised revenge for these attacks in Pakistan aimed at Americans and their helpers. Jane Perlez, "Angered by U.S. Security Measures, Pakistani Lawmakers Return Home as Heros," in The New York Times, March 10, 2010, at p. A4, then Ismail Khan, "U.S. Charity Is Attacked In Pakistan; 6 Are Killed," in The New York Times, March 11, 2010, at p. A6. (Obvious C.I.A. front was bombed in Pakistan.) Finally, Ismail Khan & Sabrina Tavernise, "Airstrike by Pakistanis Against Militants in Border Area Is Reported to Kill Civilians," in The New York Times, April 14, 2010, at p. A12. (75 civilians killed as "collateral damage" over the weekend by U.S. weapons in the hands of the Pakistani military.) Huma Imtiaz, "Sufi Shrine in Pakistan Is Hit by a Lethal Double Bombing," in The New York Times, October 8, 2010, at p. A12. (Women, children, many worshippers killed after blasts at a shrine in Karachi.)

Castro speaks of governmental fears of the "voice of one accused man." I certainly appreciate the frustrations Castro must have felt to be deprived of the opportunity to speak freely in rigged legal proceedings, where important decisions and evidence are discussed in the absence of the defendant, where one party to litigation -- to take an extreme and absurd example of something not done, even to Castro -- unilaterally controls the contents of transcripts is to make a mockery of due process of law. Bribery and intimidation of witnesses makes things worse. Can such charges of bias be brought against revolutionary justice today? For the testimony of Cuban political prisoners, see Armando Valladares, Against All Hope (New York: Ballantine Books, 1986), pp. 467-493. You decide. Has another "error" been inserted in this essay? Such charges of criminal bias can certainly be brought against New Jersey's legal system today.

Castro's discussion rises to the level of the metaphysics of politics and law, as he invokes the doctrine of cedant arma togae. (p. 169.) This doctrine is derived from Roman law and requires that civil power take precedence in adjudication over military or police needs. This is a principle abandoned by the Bush Administration in its "War on Terror." Expediency has caused the U.S. to relinquish its professed commitment to the Geneva Convention, at least in practice, even if it is unproven whether Mr. Bush ordered such a shocking departure from the rule of the law. I am afraid that the Bush presidency may have abandoned core principles of international human rights law that will invite retribution. Did N.J. make a similar error by allowing ethics enforcers to commit crimes? ("Is This America?")

We seem to have set aside the U.S. Constitution in adopting secrecy and observation, censorship and suppressions of speech, indiscriminately, against American citizens who are "potentially dangerous." Who is not "potentially dangerous"? This is worse than the vague and overbroad legislation that existed in Cuba concerning "improper conduct" and "dangerousness." (Castro, at pp. 168-169. Hereafter cited by page number only.)

Depressingly familiar examples of prison officials stealing money intended to benefit inmates will come as no surprise to residents of New Jersey. (pp. 170-171.) ("Mafia Involvement in New Jersey's Courts and Politics" and "An Unpleasant Encounter With New Jersey's State Police.") The evils of secrecy, also behind-the-back governmental activity targeting a dissident for destruction, are ably stated by Dr. Castro:

"I remind you that our law of procedure establishes that trials shall be held in public. Nevertheless, access to this session has been completely forbidden to the people. Only two lawyers and six reporters, whose newspapers cannot print a single word because of censorship have been allowed to witness the trial." (pp. 170-171.)

Attacks on my writings are a daily reality -- as are efforts to disable my security system and prevent publication of my work -- attacks that are greeted with American media silence over a period of years. Newspapers in America in 2010 cannot print a single word because of censorship. American journalism's intimidation in the presence of this spectacle is shameful. Concerning New Jersey's barbarism and the participation in deliberate cruelties by alleged physicians, like Terry A. Tuchin, see Jim Fletcher, Tanaquil Jones, Sylvere Lafringer, eds., Still Black, Still Strong: Survivors of the U.S. War Against Black Revolutionaries (New York: Columbia-Semiotexte, 1993). (These events that I describe are pre- and post-9/11.) "America's Unethical Medical Torturers."

U.S. doctors have seen fit to use Latin Americans as experimental animals exposed to syphilis and other lethal diseases, in addition to their experiments with psychological tortures of dissidents at home. Cuba does not wish to serve as a laboratory for experimentation. "The Experiments in Guatemala," (Editorial) in The New York Times, October 8, 2010, at p. A26.

Assatta Shakur was given political asylum in Cuba -- after her torture in New Jersey -- some of which was at the hands of medical personnel. I would not be surprised if coopted African-Americans were enlisted to serve in the torture of Ms. Shakur in order to legitimate the atrocities committed by Trenton's racists. Castro insists on something for which I fight every day:

" ... that my right to express myself with complete liberty be upheld. Otherwise, the merest semblance of justice would be totally absent, and the last link of this trial would be, more than any other, one of disgrace and cowardice." (p. 171.) (emphasis added!)

"Disgrace and cowardice" aptly describes New Jersey's Office of Attorney Ethics (OAE). The specificity of the charges (What is "unethical"?) is challenged, successfully, by Castro. (pp. 172-173.) The refusal to be relegated to "oblivion" by adjusting to unjust circumstances is rejected by Castro. (pp. 173-174.) The government and courts overstepping the boundaries of juridically set limits on intrusiveness and privacy is also established by Fidel Castro. This section provides a weird warning for Americans living in the National Security State, under surveillance and monitoring, like me. (pp. 174-175.) Charlie Savage & Scott Shane, "Intelligence Was Improperly Collected on American Citizens, Documents Show," in The New York Times, December 17, 2009, at p. A29. (More revelations of violations of AMERICANS' civil rights are expected in the days and weeks ahead.)

This defense by Castro was written in 1953, in anticipation of Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York & London: Pantheon, 1975), pp. 195-228 ("Panopticism"). Behind-the-back smears and informers -- who smile to our faces while fabricating allegations and insults or informing behind our backs -- were experienced by Castro and by me. Ideally, secret informers may be drawn from the victim's family or so-called "friends" in order to destroy all possibility of trust and instill a sense of betrayal in victims in accordance with C.I.A. torture techniques dating from the Cold War era, like many of their Cubanoid "experts" and implementers. ("New Jersey's 'Ethical' Legal System.")

" ... a repressive regime which spends millions of dollars on espionage, bribery, and informers. [Preferably, informers may be derived from a victim's nearest daily companions.] ... They [fellow revolutionaries] were willing to give an ideal everything they had, including life itself." (p. 174.)

The Times has reported that $74 MILLION is spent on destabilizing and damaging the Cuban government and society every year. Much of that public money is spent by Cuban-American interest groups acting against the welfare of Cubans on the island. These people have very little interest in a resolution of the hostilities between the U.S. and Cuba. This money is spent on efforts to harm Cuba in addition to the damage caused by the embargo against the revolution and its people. I am sure that many of the same people are spending vast sums of money and resources to alter, deface, and to suppress my writings and to further harm me. ("What is it like to be tortured?" and "What is it like to be plagiarized?" then "How Censorship Works in America.")

Castro's recent renewal of concern with ideals and ideas is significant. How many of these same charges may be brought against the Cuban revolution today is something only for Cubans to decide. Cubans will also decide whether "history will absolve Fidel Castro." I wonder how history will judge President Bush? This is something for Americans to decide. Castro's creative reading of the youthful writings of Marx and his early humanism seen, for example, in his letter of February 17, 1955 to a university professor found in Ann Louise Bardach & Luis Conte Aguero, eds., The Prison Letters of Fidel Castro (New York: Nation Books, 2007), pp. 56-59, anticipates fusion approaches by sociologists uniting the Left Hegelians with humanistic Marxism in David McGregor, Hegel, Marx, and the Christian State (Canada & New York: University of Toronto, 1996), pp. 6-11. Castro's essay was fifty years ahead of its time.

Castro places the foundations of political authority in the conscience of "the people." (See the film "Amazing Grace.") The test for the Cuban revolution is whether that sovereignty has been wrested from the people in order to be deposited with a powerful nomenklatura at the top of the party hierarchy. When Castro made these pronouncements most of the nation would have agreed with him. Would most Cubans continue to support the revolution, provided that living conditions were improved and civil rights received greater respect? Cubans must decide this matter, not persons living in the United States. I am sure that Cuban-Americans will wish to insert more "errors" in this essay right about now. ("Manifesto for the Unfinished American Revolution.")

If you want to test the Cuban revolution, then lift the embargo. Let us see what happens. Many economists have suggested that, with the lifting of the embargo, living conditions and wealth in Cuban society -- especially creative opportunities for many young Cubans -- would explode. Within five years, it is highly probable that Cuba's Gross National Product (GNP) would double or undergo even greater growth. ("Time to End the Embargo Against Cuba.") The gains for Cuban society would be in the BILLIONS of dollars.

Who is benefitting from the embargo today? Corrupt Cuban-American politicians and/or mobsters. Who would benefit from the removal of the embargo? Millions of people in the U.S. and Cuba. You want the embargo? I don't. Cubans don't want it. American business does not want the embargo. Is it only politicians like Bob Menendez who benefit from the status quo? (Compare "More Problems for Menendez -- Tapes!" with "The Strange Tale of Gov. Blagojevich," The New York Times, December 10, 2008, at p. A40.) Let us visit the Xanadu mall for the Holidays. Unfortunately, the Xanadu mall does not yet exist and neither does the money spent to build that mall. ("Senator Bob Says -- 'Xanadu and You Are Perfect Together!'")

Castro's principle of populist legitimacy remains, ostensibly, the sole criteria of jurisprudential validity for the revolution: "The will of the people and the people's revolution is the basis of sovereignty."

In light of my comments concerning unemployment, consider Castro's observation:

"When we speak of the people and we refer to the struggle, we mean the six hundred thousand Cubans who are out of work and who want to earn their daily bread honestly, living here instead of having to emigrate in search of a livelihood; we mean the five hundred thousand farm workers who live in miserable huts, who work four months and go hungry the rest of the year, sharing with their children the misery of not having an inch of land to farm, and whose existence would move anyone without a heart of stone to compassion; we mean the four hundred thousand industrial workers and laborers whose retirement funds have been stolen, [New Jersey?] and from whom all benefits are being taken away, whose homes are wretched rooms in tenement houses, ..." (pp. 184-185.) ("Say Goodbye to Your State Pension in New Jersey" and "New Jersey Pension Funds $46 BILLION short.")

The list goes on at depressing length. The same list can be compiled today to describe the lives of poor people in America. In fact, I have done exactly this pointing to hard evidence on the ground. How many homeless men and women, with children, are found on the streets of Havana? How many sick people beg for food on street corners? How many children are barefoot? Florida allows for encampments of homeless persons under bridges. Little concern for these people is expressed by "successful" Cuban-Americans in Coral Gables or South Beach, not even by those who send their sons to Harvard and get them clerkships with Supreme Court justices. Given such a lack of charity, tolerance of cybercrime and censorship should not surprise us. Will such "comfortable" Cuban-Americans bring "good government" to any jurisdiction? I do not think so. ("Cubanazos Pose a Threat to National Security" and "Miami's Cubanoids Protest AGAINST Peace!")

Perhaps it is time to insert more "errors" in my writings or, otherwise, to obstruct my communication efforts? Publish America? Lulu? (Once again: "How censorship works in America" and "Censorship and Cruelty in New Jersey.")

Access to the Internet and opening of Cuban society are matters that should and must take place with a gradual elimination of hostility from the U.S. or any military threat to topple the revolution. If Cubans want to keep the gains in social policy, even as they increase their cultural participation in the aesthetic and intellectual conversation of humanity, freeing political prisoners is a first step. Cuba seems to have taken this step. Perhaps the U.S. should also free political prisoners, like me, telling us the truth about our lives. Is Marilyn Straus incarcerated today?

This is the goal to work for in Cuba and America: a society without starving or sick people begging on street corners, a society that is open to the intellectual conversation of humanity, a society where artists and others are not silenced, suppressed, marginalized, threatened, a society where artists and philosophers -- men and women -- are equal participants in the dialogue of our time that is "comprehended in thought." (Hegel)

Cuba's astonishing progress in recognizing civil rights for gay men and lesbians, full racial equality, greater tolerance of diversity of opinion should be encouraged, not punished by more hostility and embargos. There is an effort underway to create, essentially, a right to civil unions for all couples in Cuba. This would have been impossible prior to the revolution -- which is overcoming a painful history of homophobia -- and gay marriage is still impossible in Miami and New Jersey, despite a recent N.J. Supreme Court decision. Let us hope that this will change with the N.J. Senate vote. Unfortunately, the New Jersey Senate failed to meet this challenge. For the view of Cuba's revolutionary leader concerning civil liberties in personal relations, see John Krich, A Totally Free Man: The Unauthorized Biography of Fidel Castro (New York: Fireside Books, 1981). (" ... non-transcendental detail ...")

Tortures, interrogation, a total process outside of legality make it abundantly clear that -- if these events took place as described by Castro -- a point not challenged by the editors of this text, except as regards only one comment of fact -- then Castro's "conviction" was an absurd as well as unjust result in the opinion of one person with some slight legal training. Admittedly, I have been told by N.J. persons that I am "retarded" and "not very intelligent." I am informed that my "book is shit" and that "I am shit." Right, Diana? I do not agree. My opinions may not matter. (pp. 184-186.) ("Little brown men are only objects for us.")

B. Legal-Political-Philosophical Arguments.

In today's newspaper, I read an editorial addressing some of the jurisprudential fallout over Bush administration decisions still enforced by Mr. Obama concerning juridical policy:

"On Friday, the Supreme Court agreed to hear a case that turns on Mr. Bush's claim that he can order people living in the United States to be detained by the military indefinitely without charges. [Like the "disappeared" in Argentina?] The case involves Ali al Marri, a citizen of Qatar who was in the United States legally. He was declared an enemy combatant in mid-2003 and he has been held in a Navy brig since then."

Legality being the exclusive province of the civil administrative power in society is a principle that seems to have been abandoned by the U.S., along with Cesare Beccaria's dictum nulla pene sige lege ("no punishment without law"), meaning state sanctions can only follow upon conviction of violating a specific legal prohibition. This is in accord with basic American notions of due process of law. Secret indefinite detention without charges is now hunky-dory under American law for the Bush/Cheney administration. What is "declared" an enemy combatant supposed to mean? Is there a right to challenge this determination? Apparently not because the determination is made unilaterally and secretly by the Chief Executive. This power and worse is still claimed by the U.S. President, Mr. Obama, in May, 2010 and today:

"The other, equally notorious case is being heard on Tuesday by the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, in Manhattan. It involves Maher Arar, a Syrian-born Canadian with no ties to terrorism who became a victim of the Bush team's lawless policy of 'extraordinary rendition' -- the outsourcing of interrogations to foreign governments to torture prisoners."

"Tortured Justice," The New York Times, December 8, 2008, at p. A28. Philippe Sands, Torture Team: Rumsfeld Memo and the Betrayal of American Values (New York: MacMillan, 2009), entirety. Who has decided that I am a worthy subject of secret monitoring? On what basis was this decision made? Why have I not received an opportunity to respond to any accusations? What statements were made about me behind my back and for what consideration were these statements made and by whom or when were they made? To whom were so-called "reports" and "statements" shown which I was not allowed to challenge or contradict? Whose agenda dictated the contents of these materials? What illicit alterations or tampering with such materials took place and at whose requests were these frauds perpetuated? Senator Bob? The only response from Trenton is silence. Developments in American courts have not been encouraging or universally admired:

"A Pakistani Muslim who was arrested after the Sept. 11 attacks may not sue John Ashcroft, the former attorney general, and Robert S. Mueller, III, the director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, for abuses he suffered in a Brooklyn detention center, the Supreme Court ruled on Monday." Adam Liptak, "Justices Void Ex-Detainee's Suit Against 2 Officials," The New York Times, May 19, 2009, at p. A16. (Among the methods used to "question" the victim were beatings, isolation, psychological torture, also other tactics that probably included sexual assaults, like rapes under hypnosis, as in New Jersey. Perhaps even the use of germ warfare to which persons, like me, have been subjected in America.)

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has offered millions of dollars to assist with the refugee problem in Pakistan, which was caused (partly) by U.S. robot bombs and Pakistani military actions against the Taliban at the request of U.S. officials, actions that have the effect of alienating the population. "Drone Strike Kills 21 in Pakistan," in The New York Times, March 11, 2010, at p. A6. (One of the dead persons "may be" Hafiz Gul Bahadar, a Waziri commander.)

This is the nightmare inherited by the Obama administration in a country increasing its nuclear arsenal, Pakistan. We have paid millions for weapons used to destroy villages that we will now pay millions to rebuild. Concerning America's commitment to the rule of law:

"In this country, no one is supposed to be above the law. Even the highest officials must be held accountable when they do wrong. Unfortunately, the Bush administration has spent the last eight years undermining that fundamental American ideal. The Supreme Court has a chance to redress that imbalance."

I agree with the editorial's conclusion:

"The court hears arguments on Wednesday in a lawsuit against John Ashcroft, the former United States attorney general, brought by an immigrant detained" -- held erroneously in solitary confinement for more than a year! -- "after the Sept. 11 attacks. The justices should rule that Javaid Iqbal has the right to prove that Mr. Ashcroft and other top officials denied him his constitutional rights."

"Accountability and the Court," The New York Times, December 10, 2008, at p. A40. For an update on these matters and the Obama Administration, please see Bob Herbert, "Obama's Credibility Gap," in The New York Times, January 26, 2010, at p. A23. I guess it is not going to happen for Mr. Iqbal. There are legal thinkers who appreciate the mistake being made in this matter:

"Justice David Souter, writing for himself and Justices John Paul Stevens, Ruth Bader Gingsburg and Stephen G. Breyer, said the accusations against the two officials in Mr. Iqbal's lawsuit were specific enough to satisfy the requirements for bringing a suit."

"Justices Void Ex-Detainee's Suit," The New York Times, May 19, 2009, at p. A16.

The dissent got it right. Additional insertions of "errors" in my essays must be expected at all times, thanks to the cooperation of N.J. judges sworn to protect freedom of speech allowing for politically-motivated censorship, perhaps in exchange for some cash in an envelope. Concerning solitary confinement as psychological torture, see Atul Gawande, "Ordinary Torture," The New Yorker, March 30, 2009, at p. 36. America's routine practice of driving persons into psychosis through isolation -- whether literal or by means of psychological techniques and destruction of relationships -- is established clearly in this article. Rape is a feature of incarceration for women in America. Men may also be raped as part of involuntary "therapy" in New Jersey. Such sexual violations may be videotaped for the amusement of judges or unidentified others without the consent of victims. David Kaiser & Lovisa Stannow, "The Rape of American Prisoners," in The New York Review of Books, March 10, 2010, at p. 16. (American women inmates are routinely raped or otherwise sexually violated in prisons by guards and other officials, including so-called "therapists." Judges, like Deborah T. Poritz, may also enjoy the bodies of women as victims.) Joy Gordon, Invisible War: The United States and the Iraq Sanctions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010), pp. 231-247.

Theft and other induced financial hardships are part of the treatment accorded to designated "targets of destruction." After such horrors, the loss of a television signal is not such a terrible thing. (Again: "An Open Letter to My Torturers in New Jersey, Terry Tuchin and Diana Lisa Riccioli.")

Even more worrisome is American psychologists' decision to assist in the development of torture techniques, including forms of sexual exploitation making use of hypnosis. Persons who have sworn to alleviate human suffering specialize in techniques designed to destroy human beings, emotionally, in order to induce psychosis or suicide. Stress -- especially concern for family members -- and anxiety are useful weapons in this effort at "control." ("Psychological Torture in the American Legal System" and "American Doctors and Torture.")

Psychologists and psychoanalysts who are experts in such barbarism describe me as "unethical." I invite you to decide which person is more unethical -- the non-violent advocate or the torturer and rapist who calls him- or herself a "therapist" despite a total absence of credentials? New Jersey and the American legal system have, evidently, opted for the torturer-rapist. Perhaps the torturer-rapist has a great deal of money or is a member of a "family-like" organization in New Jersey. You decide who is unethical.

"The recently released Justice Department memos, he noted, contain numerous references to C.I.A. MEDICAL personnel participating in coercive interrogation sessions. 'They were the designers, the legitimizers, and the implementers,' Raymond said. 'This is arguably the single greatest medical ethics scandal in American history. We need answers.' ..." (emphasis added!)

Jane Mayer, "The Secret History: Can Leon Panetta Move the C.I.A. Forward Without Confronting its Past?," in The New Yorker, June 22, 2009, at p. 57. (Roles of American Psychological Association, Joseph Matarazzo, Kirk Hubbard, Mitchell, Jessen & Associates, and the C.I.A.'s "Deuce Martinez" in developing mental torture techniques that violate human rights because they constitute "crimes against humanity.")

It cannot be a coincidence that these defendants and many other tortured persons deprived of minimal due process rights are Muslims. Guilty pleas from Guantanamo defendants subjected to years of psychological and physical torture -- except for those who have died -- will not be very persuasive legitimation for the international community. If you are tortured for years, I can assure you that you will confess to having assassinated Abraham Lincoln or anything else, if they ask you to do so. See William Glaberson, "5 Charged in 9/11 Attacks Seek to Plead Guilty," in The New York Times, December 9, 2008, at p. A1 and "This is my first torture." (New Jersey's OAE admits -- I believe -- to altering, unilaterally, transcripts of hearings or conversations concerning me making anything found in such transcripts questionable at best.)

The legal doctrine of transferred intent in criminal law and standard agency theory, including "apparent authority," makes it abundantly clear that responsibility for atrocity cannot be delegated away or "alienated" by turning over victims to private contractors or other countries. The actions of "Blackwater's employees" are also the actions of the United States of America on the world stage. The same is true of the censorship of my writings which you are witnessing that violates American federal criminal law, the Constitution, civil rights, as well as victimizing both myself and all of my readers. You are witnesses to an American jurisdiction violating the U.S. Constitution. Mr. Rabner, is this censorship an example of New Jersey's legal ethics at work? ("Stuart Rabner and Conduct Unbecoming to the Judiciary in New Jersey.")

This censorship to which my writings are subjected makes America's Constitution and expressed concerns about human rights in the world a lie. For my view of what the U.S. Constitution means and requires, see "Manifesto for the Unfinished American Revolution." The absurdity of invoking limitations of actions (equittable doctrines) to sanction hideous criminality by the state will be tested. There is no statute of limitations for murder or for "crimes against humanity," which includes psychological torture by the state. Accordingly, invoking a statute of limitations under these circumstances is comparable to a defendant pleading guilty to the murder of his parents and asking for mercy because he is an orphan. Regrettably, my defense of America's revolutionary tradition of freedom of expression was censored and vandalized recently. Irony?

I am told (but do not believe) that both Jose Ginarte and Nydia Hernandez have been suspended from the practice of law. Gilberto Garcia? Mary Anne Kricko? ("Is Senator Bob 'For' Human Rights?" and "Does Senator Menendez Have Mafia Friends?")

Castro's proposed 5 laws seem eminently sensible. Have they been adopted by the revolutionary tribunals? Speaking of human rights, Castro insists on the state's obligation to "employ all means within its reach to provide work for all of those who might need it, and to assure dignified living to every manual and intellectual worker." (pp. 185-186.)

Castro argues for the right of farmers to own and work their own land, on poverty and hunger as matters of human rights concern, along with access to education and health care. Castro points to children contracting illnesses resulting in death due to their inability to wear shoes: " ... Ninety percent of the children in the countryside [emphasis in original] are ridden with parasites which enter their bodies through their bare feet." (p. 188.)

How many Cuban children have this problem today? Yesterday, a barefoot and homeless woman asked me for spare change in Manhattan. Will I find such a woman begging in Havana's streets? To see a beautiful nineteen year-old young woman begging on New York's streets is to realize what will happen to her sooner or later, as she becomes a magnet for predators. Will I find such young women sleeping on Havana's streets?

"When you judge a defendant accused of robbery, Your Honor, you do not ask him how long he has been out of work, how many children he has, or on how many days of the week he eats, and on how many he does not." (p. 189.)

When a woman is accused of prostitution, she is not asked whether she was raped at fourteen years of age by her father, beaten, abused or exploited since then by so-called "therapists" or whether she was desperate to survive when she committed this act. "What would you have done?" ("'The Reader': A Movie Review" and "'Revolutionary Road': A Movie Review.")

When politicians in New Jersey steal in the millions and receive a "non-custodial" or "minimal sentence" -- even as the Jena 6 faced 100 years in prison for a school scuffle -- we do not inquire concerning the economic and racial differences between defendants. This does not seem very intelligent to me. ("America's Holocaust.") However, it has been explained to me that I am an "ignorant man" and that my "superiors" in New Jersey understand these things much better than I do. I certainly do not understand what is called the "system of justice" in New Jersey. Peter J. Sampson, "Former Dem Chief's Conviction Thrown Out: Federal Prosecutors May Seek New Indictment," in The Record, July 30, 2010, at p. A-1. ("The Prostitute," Ms. Riordan, is given 30 years for actions she took to save her life, but this crooked politician gets to walk out of prison.) Castro answers the accusation that he is only a "dreamer" and an "idealist":

"Where can we get the necessary money? When there is an end to robbery, when there are no corrupt public officials who let themselves be bribed by big companies to the detriment of the public treasury; when the great resources of the nation are mobilized and the state ceases to buy tanks, bombers, and cannons to oppress the people in a country which has no frontiers; and when the state decides it wishes to educate instead of killing -- then there will be money enough." (p. 191.)

Has the revolution fulfilled this hope? Have we in America accomplished such goals? (See "Senator Bob, the Babe, and the Big Bucks," "Does Senator Menendez Have Mafia Friends?" and "New Jersey is the Home of the Living Dead" as well as "Is Senator Menendez a Suspect in Mafia-Political Murder in New Jersey?") $2 BILLION for the Xanadu mall in New Jersey? Where is that mall? What happened to that money? How many starving people can be fed with $2 BILLION? What is the cost of the various tortures used against me from 1988-today? Who is paying for the costs of the various torture techniques used against me? Who paid Terry Tuchin and for what services was he paid in connection with me? "C.I.A. Psychiatrist?" How much was stolen from me? More than $100,000.00? I suspect so. Let us speak frankly about "ethics," Mr. Rabner.

Finally, Fidel Castro puts on display philosophical sophistication which is difficult to deny, even by his critics. Tribunals are warned about "renouncing the independence of the judicial power. Men who are honorable exceptions have tried to cover up the dishonor with dissenting opinions, but these efforts by a small minority have hardly transcended the pliable and sheepish attitude of the majority." (pp. 205-206.) Compare "George E. Norcross, III is the Boss of New Jersey's Politics and Law" with "Habeas Corpus" and the film "Judgment in Nuremberg." ("Charles Fried and William Shakespeare on Interpretation" and "Roberto Unger's Revolutionary Legal Theory.")

Viruses have just been detected in my child's computer -- as I write this sentence -- suggesting that cyberattacks on-line are aimed at all of my family members who go on-line. This may be a further example of "commitment to free speech" on the part of N.J. or Florida officials from the Cuban-American community. After finishing my editing of this essay, I will try to remedy any harm to her computer. It is a "real job" caring for a child exposed to so much stupidity and evil in the world.

Castro resorts to myth-construction and narrative or interpretive reasoning, before phenomenological-hermeneutics became an important method in Continental philosophy, before the best work of Hans Georg Gadamer or Paul Ricoeur. Castro writes: "I am going to tell you a story. Once upon a time ..." (p. 206.) By way of comparison, see Gadamer's Truth and Method (London: 1975), the book was published in German in 1960, and Paul Ricoeur's, "Life in Quest of Narrative," in On Paul Ricoeur: On Narrative and Interpretation (London & New York: Routledge, 1991), pp. 20-33. This was also well before Castro's published dialogues with Jean Paul Sartre. See also, Jean Paul Sartre, Critique de la raison dialectique (Paris: Gallimard, 1985), especially Search for a Method (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963), Hazel E. Barnes, translation. ("Jacques Derrida's Philosophy as Jazz.")

Castro recognizes, as I have argued, the unprecedented achievement of the English working class and Britain's philosophers in the cause of human liberty, together with the unrivalled political achievement of America's Revolutionaries in 1775. See E.P. Thompson, "Agenda for Radical History," in Making History: Writings on History and Culture (New York: Free Press, 1994), pp. 358-364. Alluding to Hobbes, Locke, and the philosophers of liberty, who were writing after the English civil war and coinciding with the arrival of the Enlightenment, Castro says:

"The right to rebel against tyranny was consecrated definitively at that time, and was converted into an essential postulate of political freedom." (p. 217.)

"Aready in 1649, John Milton was writing that political power resides in the people, who can name and dethrone kings and who have the duty to remove tyrants from ... governments." (pp. 217-218.)

Had he chosen to do so, Castro may well have referred to Magna Carta or the discussions among conspirators in "Julius Ceasar," since Castro was (and is) well aware of Shakespeare's works. Castro discusses John Locke's Treatise on Government, then shifts to the philosophes:

"To renounce freedom is to renounce the quality of being a man [or woman,] the rights of humanity, including its duties. There is no possible reward for he who renounces all. Such renunciation is incompatible with man's nature, and to take away all freedom of self-determination is to take away all morality of the action. ["Ted Honderich Says: 'You Are Not Free!'"] Finally, it is a vain and contradictory conviction to stipulate absolute authority for one side and unlimited obedience for the other." (p. 218.)

Can this foregoing paragraph by Jean-Jacques Rousseau -- echoed by Castro -- be posted in Havana today? Does Castro suggest a principle of equality for relations between Cuba and the United States of America? I think so. Quoting Thomas Paine and the American patriots, Castro concludes:

"A just man is more worthy of respect than a crowned ruffian." (p. 218.)

Can this statement be a slogan for the Cuban-American National Foundation? Bob Menendez? Is "no comment" together with further censorship the only response to such a question from Mr. Menendez? Mr. Rubio? Does Senator Menendez embody the "ethics" of the United States Senate and legal profession of New Jersey? ("Does Senator Menendez Have Mafia Friends?" and "Is Senator Bob 'For' Human Rights?") Time for more cybercrime? ("Senator Bob Struggles to Find His Conscience" and "Senator Bob, the Babe, and the Big Bucks.")

Christopher Hitchens' recent book on Thomas Paine is highly recommended to my Cuban counterparts along with the works of Thomas Jefferson, who is also the subject of a book by Hitchens that anybody can read. Thomas Paine, Common Sense, Rights of Man, and Other Essential Writings of Thomas Paine (New York: Signet, 2003), with an introduction by Sidney Hook, and any version of Thomas Jefferson's "Declaration of Independence."

Castro demonstrates an impressive command of international Constitutional theory and doctrine when he notes that, as the "supreme law of the land," a Constitution cannot be violated by other legislation which remains valid or applicable. Thus, Castro is arguing for a version of the American doctrine of judicial review. Furthermore, Castro's reasoning comports with American Constitutional doctrines of "preemption" and the "supremacy clause." Lawrence Tribe, American Constitutional Law (New York: The Foundation Press, 1988), pp. 401-546. (More recent editions will do as well or better.)

"Article 194 establishes very clearly that 'judges and Courts are obliged to solve the conflicts arising between the laws imposed and the Constitution [Castro capitalizes the word "Constitution"] and are to adhere to the principle that the latter prevails over the former." (p. 212.)

Without positive law of any kind, natural law doctrine and the law of nations may be invoked to establish that torture and violations of fundamental human rights -- like daily frustration efforts and censorship only made possible by government technology or threats to family members, like children and old people -- cannot be rewarded by the courts of any state. No judicial decree based on criminal hypnosis methods and subterfuge is valid. This is a point on which Castro is joined by the International Human Rights Tribunal. See also, Corwin's The Higher Law Background of American Constitutional Law.

Have you no shame, Mr. Menendez and Mr. Sires? The question which Castro will leave to his posterity is whether the revolution will be preserved or lost by the Cuban people. The question that the Framers of the American Constitutional Republic have left to their posterity is whether we will keep the American Constitution as the fundamental charter of our government or merely as a decorative parchment under glass ignored in practice and admired in rhetoric. The answer to this question can only be provided by the people of the United States of America. (Contrast "America's Holocaust" with "Manifesto for the Unfinished American Revolution.")

Do you wish to delete letters from or insert other "errors" in this essay? Ms. Milgram? Mr. Rabner? OAE? Governor Christie and Paula Dow, continued silence and apathy is complicity in "crimes against humanity."

October 9, 2010 at 10:38 A.M. one letter removed from a word since my previous review of this essay has now been restored to the text.

March 12, 2010 at 10:15 A.M. More "errors" were inserted overnight. I have now corrected those "errors."

October 27, 2009 at 2:10 P.M. an "error" was inserted in this essay in a brazen display of contempt for the U.S. Constitution whose defense took the lives of fourteen Americans in a helicopter crash yesterday. See also, Timothy Williams, "Deadliest Bombs Since '07 Shatter Iraqui Complexes," The New York Times, October 26, 2009, at p. A1. (132 killed; 520 wounded; over 5,000 American deaths, so far, and counting. $1 BILLION per month in costs.)

March 4, 2011 at 10:27 A.M. My computer was turned off from a remote location yesterday morning as I struggled to revise essays altered overnight. I will continue to struggle to make all necessary corrections of inserted "errors." ("Mind and Machine.")

Is the Constitution for which those men and women have died still applicable in the Garden State? You decide.


Visiting Fidel Castro and debating with him in the early sixties, Catholic novelist Graham Greene identified Castro, accurately, as a humanistic-critical Marxist:

"Fidel is a Marxist, but an empirical" -- I would say a "practical Marxist" -- "who plays Communism by ear and not by book. Speculation to him is more important than dogma, and he rejoices in the name of heretic. 'We belong to no sect, we belong to no international freemasonry, to no church. We are heretics, yes, heretics -- fine, let them call us heretics.' [Contrarians?] And again in the same speech: 'If there exists a Marxist-Leninist party which knows by heart all the 'Dialectic of History' and everything written by Marx, Engels, and Lenin, and still does not a damned thing about it, are others obliged to wait and not make a revolution?' ..."

"The Marxist Heretic," in Collected Essays (London: Penguin, 1969), p. 308.

As against the achievements of the Cuban Revolution, there is the appalling human rights record. However, it must also be said that this human rights record -- together with censorship and control of access to information -- cannot be separated from the hostilities with the United States. My experience of torture and censorship in the U.S. has been a second political education. A tiny threatened society has to become defensive and security-obsessed, as we have become highly security-minded and defensive with much less excuse for it after 9/11. Has Cuba become a "carceral continuum"? Has the United States become a "carceral continuum"? Are both societies overly security-minded and insufficiently respectful of the freedom and dignity of persons? Do both countries torture dissidents? Are you witnessing the very censorship and torture that the U.S. criticizes in other countries imposed upon a tortured American dissident? You decide. ("Havana Nights and C.I.A. Tapes.")

The misery into which millions are plunged in Cuba has a lot to do with the embargo. This means that Cuban-American politicians and powerful business people, perhaps the same people obstructing my Internet access and denying me publication opportunities ("Publish America"?), must bear responsibility for much of this suffering. I am sure that the people seeking to suppress speech they disagree with and to silence critics, haters of gays and blacks, supporters of war in Iraq or anywhere, like Korea -- such people with their comfortable lives, who no doubt disapprove of me -- can offer Cubans only much worse suffering than what they have experienced already. Homophobia, racism, censorship, pride in barbarism are not attractive political values even when expressed by persons with late model cars in Miami. The world will no longer tolerate American hegemony. We are invited to create a pluralistic global order with multiple centers of power before it is too late. Will we accept this invitation? China seems to hope that we will accept such an invitation to equality with the world community.

"Censorship and Cruelty in New Jersey" and "How Censorship Works in America," also "What is it like to be tortured?" and "Terry Tuchin, Diana Lisa Riccioli, and New Jersey's Agency of Torture" as well as "What is it like to be plagiarized?" Although it is very difficult to do so under conditions of torture, I hope to write soon: "What is it like to be raped?"

I wish all "affluent" and "successful" Cuban-Americans and their paid-for politicians much continued "success," perhaps a second pool for the home in Miami and a new Cadillac. I doubt that Cuba really desires what they have to offer. I do not desire their company or their lives. I am afraid that we can expect many more attacks on my writings after I post this essay. It has been necessary for me to correct inserted "errors" in this essay numerous times already. My MSN e-mail is compromised and inaccessible sometimes. I am told that MSN and MSN groups have "closed." Perhaps I will no longer be permitted to write. These people attacking my texts continue to speak of freedom and democracy. I am somewhat skeptical concerning their sincerity. I am told that only one person has visited my books' site.

September 27, 2009 at 11:00 A.M. My Yahoo account has been inaccessible to me for some time. Hackers may insert items in my mailbox, then claim that they are mine. I am unable to access MSN groups, if those groups still exist.

I once met and enjoyed a brief conversation with Norman Mailer. I am not claiming a friendship with this American novelist. I do not wish to be accused of getting "above my station." I am confident that we liked one another. We exchanged substantial comments, both in Spanish and English. Like Fidel Castro, Mailer was a member of a revolutionary generation that saw the sixties' civil rights transformations and experienced the events of 1968. Mailer was kind enough to write a message for me in Spanish and English in several of his books. Despite being pressured to move on, Mailer took the time to talk to me about his famous open-letter to Fidel Castro. He said: "I met Castro, you know."

Mailer's blue eyes smiled, as we parted. Mailer urged me to read that open letter in his collection. At the time, Mailer was a Pulitzer and National Book Award winner, also a candidate for the Nobel Prize. I felt that I should give him at least that much. I experienced the same sense of cosmic "serendipity" when I exchanged glances, smiles and a nod with Arthur Miller, American author and former husband of Marilyn Monroe. Miller also met and wrote of his meeting with Fidel Castro. On that occasion, Miller was accompanied by the critic William Simon. Norman Mailer will receive the last word, something that would please him very much, words I will quote from that book bearing Mailer's hand-written note to me which is still in my possession:

"In Cuba, hatred runs over into the love of blood; in America all too few blows are struck into flesh. We kill the spirit here, we are experts at that. We use psychic bullets and kill each other cell by cell."

My life is a testament to the truth of this statement. If necessary, I will continue to express my protest against torture with my own excrement on the walls of the New Jersey Supreme Court's chambers. Coals to Newcastle? ("What is Continental Philosophy?")

"We live in a country very different from Cuba. We have a tyranny here, but it did not have the features of Batista; it was a tyranny one breathed but could not define; it was felt as no more than a slow deadening of the best of our possibilities, a tension we could not name which was the sum of our frustrations. We all knew that the best of us used up our memories in long nights of drinking; exhausted our vision in secret journeys of the mind; our more stable men and women of some little good will watched the years go by -- their idealism sank into apathy. By law we had a free press; almost no one spoke his thoughts. By custom we had a free ballot; was there ever a choice? We were a league of silent defeated men who could not even assent on which were the true battles we lost. In silence we gave you our support. You were aiding us, you were giving us psychic ammunition, you were aiding us in that desperate silent struggle we have been fighting with sick dead hearts against the cold insidious cancer of the power that governs us, you were giving us new blood to fight our mass communications, our police, our secret police, our corporations, our empty politicians, our clergymen, our educators, our cold frightened bewildered bullies who govern a machine made out of people they no longer understand, you were giving us HOPE they would not always win. ..."

"An Open Letter to Fidel Castro," in The Time of Our Time (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 388 (emphasis added).


March 16, 2010 at 12:17 A.M. "Errors" were inserted and corrected in "Barack Obama and The New Yorker." Waves of attacks against these writings by Cubanoids from New Jersey and Florida have produced numerous defacements of these essays. I will continue to write. Tell your friends about this interesting situation.

March 11, 2010 at 11:32 A.M. During the past several days numerous essays have been vandalized, altered, letters and words removed with the goal of maximizing the anxiety and frustration effects upon me. I have tried to make all necessary corrections. This is what it means to be an American revolutionary. We will not give up our freedoms. ("What is it like to be tortured?" and "Manifesto for the Unfinished American Revolution.")

January 2, 2010 at 3:41 P.M. The struggle continues. ("Freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal" and "Che': A Movie Review.")

December 18, 2009 at 1:10 P.M. Another "error" inserted and corrected. I cannot say how many other essays have been disfigured in this latest wave of cybercrimes.

December 9, 2009 at 2:57 P.M. My essay "Is it rational to believe in God?" was vandalized on the assumption that this work contains a defense of "atheistic Marxism." This is inaccurate. Few persons who believe in God or are respectful of religion may be described as "atheistic Marxists."
October 27, 2009 at 1:16 P.M. Interference with my television signal, "errors" and defacements inserted in several writings, other harassments are no surprise.

September 27, 2009 at 10:10 A.M. "Errors" inserted and corrected, again.

August 6, 2009 at 9:41 P.M. A new massive scandal engulfs what is left of New Jersey's legal and political system. Stonewalling and silence is the only response to my continuing requests for information from New Jersey's now demonstrably corrupt government. 44 public officials and their friends arrested in New Jersey. More arrests are expected in January, 2010. The Equinix scandal is likely to produce more arrests in March, 2010.

April 14, 2010 at 4:56 P.M. A word was removed from the foregoing sentence. I have now restored that missing word.

April 30, 2009 at 5:41 P.M. Former N.J. Senator Joe Coniglio has been convicted on most charges. New investigations into N.J. political corruption are said to be underway. Good luck with any "questioning," Mr. Garcia. IRS? FBI?

December 18, 2008 at 7:24 P.M. After several hours of trying, I had to settle for posting both my old and a revised version of my book, "Why I am Not an Ethical Relativist and Other Essays 2000-2006." I cannot say what damage has been done to the manuscript or whether there are alterations in page numbering. The book will not be sent to booksellers. I hope that it is still available free of charge for download.

MSN is still "closed" (to me) and no images can be posted on-line (by me). Apparently, the money I paid for an ISBN number was stolen. ("How Censorship Works in America" and "Censorship and Cruelty in New Jersey.")

I remember Reinaldo Arenas writing of his inability to see his own book in Cuba or whether it had been damaged. The same is happening to me today in America. I cannot access my own books on my computer. I do not know what has been done to those works. The exact relationship between New Jersey (state action?) and Lulu is unclear. Publish America? The ostensible reason for refusing to send my book to booksellers was not providing the ISBN number on the title page. I have provided that number in my revised text and posted it, so people can see it. As I say, the formatting may be affected, deliberately, in an effort to distort numeration of pages or otherwise to damage the work, while continuing censorship efforts in America may prevent its distribution. I have met both Mr. Cabrera-Infante and Mr. Arenas. Neither of those men would condone the horrors to which I have been subjected or see them as any different from what they experienced.

"Errors" are inserted in my writings by hackers using New Jersey governmental resources on a daily basis. My experiences of psychological torture and much worse date from 1988-2010. I have not (and will not) change my opinions. One reference to Fidel Castro in my essay collection is sufficient for the book not to be sent to on-line booksellers. I will not remove that single reference. ("Psychological Torture in the American Legal System.")

All writing efforts by me take place against a tidal wave of censorship and cybercrime emanating from the putrid and foul-smelling precincts of Hudson County and Trenton, New Jersey. (How you doing, "Cheech?") I understand that Mr. Gonzales has some problems. Allegations of obstructions of justice (altering a transcript) and solicitation may be directed against OAE officials in Trenton. Shame on you. ("New Jersey's Office of Attorney Ethics.")

I will focus on the private lives of New Jersey judges in future essays and upon more allegations of corruption in Trenton. I will also focus on Benicio del Torro's performance as "Che." (See "Is Union City, New Jersey Meyer Lansky's Whore House?" and "Does Senator Menendez Have Mafia Friends?") My review of Mr. del Torro's performance is found in "'Che': A Movie Review."

December 18, 2008 at 12:29 P.M. My updating feature has been blocked, again, probably because of a controversial new post today at "Critique". I will continue to run scans and struggle to keep writing, somehow. ("New Jersey is Lucky Luciano's Havana" and "Law and Ethics in the Soprano State.")

December 17, 2008 at 2:11 P.M. I was just blocked and obstructed from accessing and deleting e-mails at my hotmail account. I have tried to regain access to my hotmail account three or four times, so far. I cannot say, at this time, how many essays and short stories have been vandalized today. I will struggle to regain access to my account, repair any harm done, and persist in my efforts to write -- every day. I hope to analyze more allegations of N.J. political as well as legal corruption. ("Miami's Cubanoids Protest AGAINST Peace!")

December 17, 2008 at 12:29 P.M. The usual harassment when I navigate the Internet. Nothing unusual. Image-posting is still blocked.

December 16, 2008 at 2:38 P.M. Brutal cyberwarfare today at MSN. Nothing unusual in that experience for me. I hope that I have made all necessary corrections today, until more "errors" are inserted by tomorrow. I will continue to struggle. No images can be accessed or posted by me. MSN groups is closed to me. My short story -- a kind of Christmas and holiday card entitled "Serendipity, III" - was altered by hackers. I will try to correct any new "errors" inserted in that text.

A number of my essays at MSN have been vandalized, including my review of "The Reader." I have now revised that essay for the fifth or sixth time. I will review a new film examining the life of Che Guevara, starring Benicio del Torro, in response to these continuing censorship efforts from New Jersey. It is a federal crime to violate or conspire to violate civil rights, including free speech and privacy rights. Rape, theft, obstructions of justice, cover-ups -- are also crimes, not merely unethical lapses in judgment. My account at hotmail has been hacked into, several times, often e-mails cannot be read or accessed. This essay has been corrected in identical fashion many times. I will continue to struggle. I cannot say how many other essays have been vandalized today. I continually return to these experiences and the efforts to set down words, despite these cybercrimes committed against me, that are tolerated by the authorities.

December 15, 2008 at 5:23 P.M. "errors" inserted and corrected.

December 9, 2008 at 8:34 P.M. "errors" were inserted in this previously posted essay. I am afraid that this process will continue, even as I make all necessary corrections. At least, my adversaries are proving my point.

December 10, 2008 at 8:42 A.M. additional "errors" were inserted overnight. I have corrected them.

December 10, 2008 at 3:04 P.M. a new "error" has been inserted since this morning. I will correct the text, once again. You decide whether persons engaging in this harassment support freedom of speech or really wish to bring democracy to any country. Neither Cuba nor the United States will benefit from Batista's "brand" of corrupt legal culture, drugs, political whores, payoffs, and fat cat politicians as judges. ("Is Senator Menendez a Suspect in Mafia-Political Murder in New Jersey?" and "Is Senator Bob 'For' Human Rights?")

December 11, 2008 at 8:29 A.M. My short story "Master and Commander" was vandalized yesterday, when my security system was disabled for hours. I have corrected that story.


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